by Georges Fery

Who built Teotihuacán, whose name in the Nahuatl language means “the place where the gods are created.” Although researchers have spent the past hundred years conducting fieldwork to uncover the city’s history, much remains to be discovered and understood. The Mixe and Zapotec cultures seem to be among the earliest to appear in the archaeological record, around 200 BC. The Nahuatl-speaking Aztecs named the city Teotihuacán in their creation myths, for their gods were born there and created their spiritual universe centuries before the founding of their capital, Tenochtitlán, in 1325. Veronica Ortega posits that the Aztec Codex Xolotl contains a pictogram depicting the triple combination of sun-temple-ruler signs, which translates as “Tehuacán” (INAH, 2018). Indeed, the Tehuacán-Cucatlán Valley is home to Mexico’s oldest ethnolinguistic culture, that of the founders and inhabitants of Teotihuacán, birthplace of the Fifth Sun of the Aztec god Nam Olin, depicted on the Sun Stone (AA V.27/143, 6/2024).

In most Mesoamerican cultures, the Sun is revered as the highest deified symbol of permanence, in contrast to the Moon, which symbolizes impermanence for its phases; however, both were understood to be inseparable and complementary. In the Tehuacán Valley, Teotihuacán was a hub of diverse languages, including Otomi, Totonac, and Zapotec, spoken on its streets. Otomi was the predominant language before the arrival of Nahuatl speakers and later ethnic groups from Chupicuaro, Oaxaca, and the Maya region. There are scant written records, aside from those of the Maya, Mixtec, and Zapotec peoples, and few details are available about their lives and governing policies. Field research over the years, however, reveals how the city-state was governed and how its citizens lived and died. We also learned that the early governing political groups, which included nobles and priests, who ascribed the city’s birth and fate to the gods, were headed by the Sun.

Teotihuacán’s rise followed the destruction of Cuicuilco, on the southern shore of Lake Tlapacoya in the southeastern valley of Mexico’s central plateau, which was burned around 200 BC by ash flows from the eruption of the Xitle volcano. It is estimated that three-quarters of Cuicuilco’s population, along with those of neighboring towns, fled to the Tehuacán Valley after the disaster. This volcanic event and subsequent human migrations were compounded in 90-80 BC by the massive eruption of Popocatepetl. People from towns and villages again migrated up the Tehuacán Valley to Teotihuacán, fifty miles away, thereby profoundly impacting the city’s growth. Archaeologist Matos Moctezuma notes that centuries of experience, migration, and advanced knowledge in areas such as calendars, religion, astronomy, agriculture, social organization, and warfare enabled the ruling elite of the growing city to develop an eight-square-mile town housing thousands of people (1990). Teotihuacán lies northeast of the vast Lake Texcoco, at elevations ranging from 7,300 to 9,300 feet. It is also the shortest route between the Gulf Coast and the lacustrine complex of central Mexico’s central plateau. The city of Teotihuacán is nestled between three hills: Cerro Gordo (north), Cerro Palachique (south), and Cerro Chiconaula (west). On its eastern border lies a chain of long, low hills. The area’s primary water source was supplied by three rivers: the Huixulco, the San Lorenzo, and the San Juan, which today flows through the village of San José Teotihuacán before reaching Lake Texcoco. These were widely used by the inhabitants, who built an elaborate canal system to harness the rivers’ assets. They also exploited a hundred springs, and a complex irrigation system with the east-west San Juan River, which bisects the north-south “Avenue of the Dead,” a name coined by the Aztecs, for its original name is unknown. It is a misnomer because the residences of city elite, which were built on either side of the northern part of the avenue, were thought by later migrants to be burial grounds, for this reason, they were not sacked for fear of the dead’s wrath. Furthermore, the city’s monuments celebrate the Sun, the Moon, and life; there is no reason why the main thoroughfare would have been associated with death, given the city’s dual concept of architecture and symbolism strongly emphasized spiritual life over death.

Volcanic rocks from the mountains in the city’s vicinity supplied stones for monuments and housing complexes, including obsidian from Cerro Soletepec for tools and knives, spearheads, and blades for everyday tasks, rituals, and weapons, such as war clubs (macuahuitl) lined with obsidian. Hills around the city were covered with pines, oaks, cedars, and other tree species. The location’s pivotal feature was the abundance of water from marshlands and springs, used for agriculture. Average rainfall in the region was just above 500mm, the bare minimum for the main staple, maize. At the city’s latitude, production of the primary food depended on the timely arrival of rain and its persistence throughout the growing season. Vegetation was burned, and the ashes were used to fertilize the soil, while the land was planted in the spring and harvested in the fall.

The city’s foremost monument, the Pyramid of the Sun—referred to as Tonatiuh Itzacual in Nahuatl—faces west, aligning with sunset and light passing into the underworld, from which, at sunrise, it will rise again. The Pyramid of the Sun was built over a 330-foot-long tunnel, where geological evidence suggests a subterranean river once flowed. A man-made cave was found there, which was believed to be the mythical gate to the underworld, a common belief found in other cultures of the time that linked the world above with the world below. Mythological factors were integral to the city’s architectural and spiritual identity during the Patlachique (BC 100-0), Tzacualli (AD 0-150), and Miccaotli (AD 150-250) phases. During the last two periods, Teotihuacán’s cultural characteristics were established. Like many cultures of that era, the city in its earliest days was aligned with the four cardinal directions, reflecting the four quadrants of the Mesoamerican spiritual universe. From the Plaza of the Moon, the broad north-south Avenue of the Dead—over a mile long and 130 feet wide—crossed the east-west canal, which directed the San Juan River waters on the Ciudadela north side. The construction of the Pyramid of the Moon, Metzli Itzcoatl in Nahuatl, began during the Tzacualli period and was completed in stages by the mid-Miccaotli. However, we do not know the original names of the pyramid or of other structures now lost to history. At the end of the Miccaotli or beginning of the Tlamimilolpa period (250-450), the city may have expanded to about 12 square miles. In the late fifth century, its population may have exceeded 90,000, making it the largest city in ancient Mesoamerica. Its main appeal to newcomers was the rivers and the hundreds of springs, which provided a reliable water source. Over time, population growth may have contributed to lower spring levels and water flows, especially during droughts. In the late thirteenth century, when the Aztecs first set foot in the ruined city, they believed that the closely spaced, large hills on both upper sides of the “Avenue of the Dead” were burial mounds. These were later identified as two- or three-level pyramidal structures used by the nobility for administration or residence, long buried under centuries of sand.  Over the years, for fear of the dead’s wrath, looters refrained from probing into these mounds.

During the Tzacualli phase (1-150), Teotihuacan was divided into four “quadrants” or neighborhoods by the great east-west Avenue and the north-south “Avenue of the Dead.” The hub was the Ciudadela, and the huge marketplace, or Great Compound, across the Avenue of the Dead on the west side, was an important center for commerce and administration (Moctezuma 1990, 83). The first stage of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid, with the Temple of Quetzalcoatl, was built in the large quadrangle of the Citadel, facing west, as does the Pyramid of the Sun. The foundation and first section of the Pyramid of the Moon, which faces south, marks the cyclical return of nature and likely dates to that period. Like other significant structures, the Pyramid of the Moon orientation is associated with fertility, while Cerro Gordo Mountain is to the north. The pyramid was built in three parts: a four-tiered central platform, followed by a middle three-tiered platform, both erected during the Tzacualli period. A five-tiered platform was added to the intermediate riser-style structure, which was likely built during the mid-Tlamimilolpa period (250-450). Rulers’ input into the pyramid’s design over a century and a half of construction may also explain the multiple delays and structural changes that occurred during that period. The seven-tiered pyramid stands 141 feet tall and has an asymmetrical base measuring 482 feet east-west and 427 feet north-south. The monument emphasizes its religious dedication to the Moon associated with the Great Goddess, whose ten-foot-high statue formerly stood near the main stairway of the pyramid. The Aztecs called her Chalchiuhtlicue, the wife of the powerful rain god Tlaloc, with whom she ruled the paradisiacal water kingdom, the Tlalocán. She was associated with childbirth and bringing fertility to crops. Situated at the northern end of the “Avenue of the Dead,” the pyramid features broad staircases and intermediate upper platforms that served as venues for ceremonies on dedicated occasions, as well as for ritual sacrifices involving non-local sub-adult and adult males, as well as small animals. Notably, no female remains have been identified to date. For major religious structures, each construction phase involved human and animal sacrifices before the next level was built.

Burials were found in five of the seven levels of the pyramid. Rectangular stone receptacles contained human remains, together with the bones of birds and snakes, painted ceramics, and small clay figurines. In Burial 4-Level 5, human skulls were found with the first cervical vertebra in anatomical position, suggesting decapitation as part of the ritual celebration marking the completion of Level 5. The Plaza of the Moon is among the most impressive in Teotihuacán. At the foot of the main stairway, the Plaza of the Moon is among the most impressive in the city for its main altar, which features internal divisions composed of rectangular and diagonal bodies in a shape referred to as the “Teotihuacán Cross.” As archaeologist Sugiyama observes, the central part of the city’s urban grid is divided by the “Avenue of the Dead,” which runs straight south from the Plaza of the Moon, with the Pyramid of the Sun and the massive Ciudadela on the east side of the avenue (2013).

The Pyramid of the Sun, however, faces west over the city, enhancing its spiritual and mythological significance. Its outer, or first, level was probably begun during the Tzacualli period and completed during the late Tlamimilolpa. At that time, the pyramid measured 224 feet in height and, like the Pyramid of the Moon, was asymmetrical, with a base of 761 feet by 721 feet; its height maintained a constant angle of 32.5 degrees. In the corners of each level, archaeologist Batres (1906) found a sacrificed young boy in a seated position. A small temple and a tall statue of Tonatiuh, the Sun God, clad in gold sheets, once stood at the summit of the pyramid’s platform. The statue may have been renamed by the Aztecs as the fire god Huehuetotl, which the Spaniards most likely destroyed. It was found, stripped of its precious metal, in a covered pit atop the pyramid.

In 1971, archaeologist Ernesto Taboada discovered a depression at the level of the Pyramid of the Sun’s main stairway. This discovery revealed an ancient, partially destroyed primary stairway that led to a tunnel, perhaps an ancient waterway. The tunnel ran beneath the structure, ending in four man-made chambers in the shape of a cloverleaf, symbolic of the four cardinal directions. Doris Heyden suggests that “…the pyramid was built over this natural cave, which the priests claimed as the mythic place of human emergence into this world” (1997).       

The Pyramid of the Sun was oriented to align with the sunrise (east) and sunset (west), the day-night cycle associated with the birth and death of all life forms, emblematically affirming the eternal return. Both the Sun and the Moon pyramids, however, were built with alignment to celestial and topographical features, underscoring their allegorical aspects of immanence and impermanence. As Guillemin pertinently underlined, these ceremonial centers aimed to appease natural and supernatural forces through donations from agriculture, the basic source of food, and the blood of ritually sacrificed humans and animals. For this reason, the Moon cult is inseparable from the Sun, for without the Sun, there would be no Moon (1968-34). These ceremonial precincts were carefully designed to awe and compel people with the sheer weight of divine power. The monumental structures, with their intricate designs and rich symbolism, reflect a profound understanding of astronomy, agriculture, and life cycles. Toward the end of the Tlamimilolpa period, in 450, the city expanded by constructing new buildings over older ones; those that would not be destroyed were ceremonially “killed.” Monumental architecture, featuring towering pyramids and an intricate urban grid, showcased the advanced engineering and astronomical knowledge of architects, stonemasons, and priests. The construction of pyramids and major structures is characterized by the talud-tablero architectural style, which features alternating sloping aprons (talud) and vertical rectangular panels (tablero), on which allegorical figures and symbols are found. Teotihuacan’s rapidly growing population spread into newly built districts, connected by large and narrow paved alleys. Most of the initial residents were Nahuatl-speaking Chichimec migrants from the arid north who arrived between the fourth and second centuries BC. Later, other settlers arrived, including Tarascans, Totonacs, and others. By the Tlamimilolpa period (250-450), Teotihuacán traders and the city’s political influence, together with its proxies, exerted far-reaching hegemony as evidenced by sites in the Maya lowlands, such as Tikal, 600 miles away in Guatemala. The historical record reveals endemic political and military conflicts between the powerful Maya southern kingdom of Calakmul in Campeche and its allies, such as Caracol. In 378, the Teotihuacán warlord Sihyaj K’ahk (“born of fire” in Maya language) defeated Yax Mutal, the powerful Maya kingdom that would later be called Tikal. As a Teotihuacán proxy, Tikal fought Calakmul for years over control of the important trade routes in the Usumacinta-Pasión River watershed.

Scholars emphasize Teotihuacán’s multi-cultural society, evidenced by the discovery of objects and instruments associated with distinct cultures. Caravans carrying products and materials also brought people to the city to work in ethnically affiliated communities, where daily food and work were assured. Human remains indicate that many Teotihuacanos experienced nutritional stress in infancy (White, Price, Longstaffe, 2007), which often persisted in adulthood. Between 450 and 600, Teotihuacán reached its splendor and prosperity, with more than 2,000 structures beyond pyramids and temples, including residences, workshops, medical facilities, and nurseries. The city’s residential and working districts, established during earlier periods, included Tetitla, Yayahuala, Atetelco, Tepantitla, Zacahuala, La Ventilla, and Teopancazco, among others. Most were stone-built two-story, 200-square-foot buildings connected by walls.  Residential areas typically had one or two access points and rooms facing small courtyards, which provided natural light and ventilation. The stoned alleyways collected rainwater, which was then channeled through an underground duct system. Narrow corridors linked rooms and were occasionally connected to small inner temples or places of worship, such as at Tepantitla. In affluent residences, walls and floors were plastered and ornamented with painted, colorful designs of flowers, deities, or mythic animals. In modest homes, both walls and floors were also plastered, but not so lavishly decorated. The blocks of houses were connected by walkways, while some narrow streets became waterways during the rainy season. Each ethnic residential area had a place of worship dedicated to its culture’s deities, as well as workplaces and living quarters. A district was a complex feat of architectural engineering, as was the vast network of canals and underground ducts connected to large water reservoirs for collective use in residential compounds.

Teotihuacán must already have been an impressive sight by the early fifth century, with imposing ritual areas along the “Avenue of the Dead,” a powerful priesthood, and a military caste that controlled most aspects of life. Archaeologist Beatriz del Mazo Fernandes’ analysis of neighborhoods focuses on the residents’ daily lives and their impact on the city’s socio-economic outcomes through professional expertise and production (2011). From the beginning, the town included people from the Mexican central plateau, the Puebla-Tlaxcala, the Tehuacán valleys, and the Gulf Coast. During the Late Tlamimilolpa period, three neighborhoods were peopled by foreigners who came to work or for spiritual reasons, as well as traders from western Mexico (Gomez, 1998). The Zapotecs primarily inhabited the Tepantitla district, trading exotic goods, including mica and other minerals. Their expertise is evident in the vibrant murals painted on stucco in the Teopancazco district. Marriage alliances with Gulf Coast communities brought artisan women and their knowledge in making fine-woven apparel and large, delicately ornamented shawls. Teotihuacán pursued a multi-ethnic policy to meet internal needs while building trade and political ties with Mesoamerican elites.

Between the towering pyramids and sprawling plazas lay smaller temples and altars, which served as focal points for periodic communal rituals, fostering a deep connection among enclaves of diverse ethnic minorities that made up the city’s spiritual and social fabric. Painted murals are prominent features that help us understand community life. Matos Moctezuma underlined that “Teotihuacán art is joyful, elegant, and, at the same time, intensely religious” (1990:88). There were various techniques for painting murals, among which was “alfresco” in which paint is applied to a wall of fine wet plaster, allowing paint to set more deeply. The large, finely painted walls suggest schools where artists and expert teams collaborated under the guidance of priests and scholars. Teotihuacán.III, Xolalpan period (350-550), saw the city at its zenith, when temples and palaces were lavishly decorated with elaborate paintings. The presence of jaguar and puma murals in the Zacahuala Palace, along with priests scattering seeds at Tetitla, characterizes this phase. Later in the city’s final period, the murals in the courtyard of the Painted Patio at Atetelco and the Patio of the Jaguars, located behind the Quetzalcoatl Palace, were completed. As Doris Heyden points out, since the city was painted inside and out —from remarkable works of art in homes and temples to the red and white outside walls —Teotihuacán should be called “the colorful city” (1997).

The most remarkable painting is the celebration of life and water seen on the magnificent Tlalocán mural at Tepantitla. At the bottom-right corner of the panel, a frog-like figure disgorges a long stream of water that flows to an area identified as parcels of land surrounded by canals (chinampas). The water continues to the left, then curves down toward the bottom before rising into a kind of pyramid of waves, identified as the rain god Tlaloc’s paradise, the Tlalocán, where small human figures swim, play, and sing, volutes indicating speech or sound emanating from their mouths. The people depicted in the mural are of low social rank, perhaps peasants, celebrating harvest or another event, as each of the little figures is barefoot and wears only a loincloth (máxtlatl), with no adornments. Archaeologist Matos Moctezuma observes, “…there is little doubt that the mural depicts people enjoying themselves near cultivated fields. With its farming theme, featuring flowering plants and butterflies, this mural highlights the centrality of water in Teotihuacán’s recurring concerns and religious constructs. (1990:179-181). Remarkable paintings are also found at Teopancazco, in the city’s multiethnic southeast district near the Ciudadela. Its delicate murals underscore its occupants’ affiliation with elite social groups who lived and worked there. Teopancazco was divided into residential spaces for artisans and specialists. On its large plaza was a temple dedicated to the gods of the oceans. Archaeologist Linda Menzilla notes that this district was closely associated with the seas, as evidenced by the colorful, detailed designs of nobles’ and priests’ attire and accoutrements (2019). Teopancazco became wealthy by importing cotton-made blankets, as thousands of members of the city’s elite wore them, in contrast to ordinary people who wore garments made of ixtle, a plant fiber from agave and yucca.

Over time, the city’s institutions expanded, as did political control over a growing, multiethnic, and at times antagonistic population. This led to sporadic social conflicts and increasing civil unrest, exacerbated by food shortages, especially during prolonged droughts. Over the years, the military’s influence over government policies grew increasingly dominant, exacerbating political antagonism.

It is during the Miccaotli Phase, 150-250, that Teotihuacán was partitioned into four “quadrants” or precincts by the great north-south “Avenue of the Dead” and the east-west avenue. On the eastern side of the avenue, parallel with the Pyramid of the Sun, is Ciudadela, seat of civil and military government, whose vast quadrangle harbors the Feathered Serpent pyramid, built during the early Tlamimilolpa phase, 250-450 (Sugiyama 1998). The pyramid’s six levels are the earliest representations of the god Quetzalcoatl. On its west side, across the Avenue of the Dead, is the Great Compound, aka “the marketplace” and the seat of traders. On the pyramid’s eastern, or sunrise side, its seven-step levels are adorned with colossal stone heads dedicated to the Feathered Serpent, the earliest representation of the god Quetzalcoatl, whom the Aztecs would later adopt. This massive temple is notable for its vibrantly painted murals and sculptures depicting the god’s face, serpents, sea snails, and shells (Moctezuma, 1990). The most important finds are human burials and their offerings. The first stage of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid was built facing west (toward sunset), bordering today’s dry San Juan River, bisecting the avenue. It is the city’s third-largest structure, after the Sun and Moon, and was constructed between 200 and 250 during the Early Tlamimilolpa phase and is notable for its vibrantly painted murals. Below the pyramid, a three-hundred-foot tunnel was found, dug beneath the water table, underscoring the pyramid’s connection to the sacred underground realm associated with the origin of water and life. However, a pyramidal terraced structure was built in front of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid after the military faction fell.

Human remains were found in the Feathered Serpent Pyramid complex. As Matos Moctezuma notes, burials of soldiers and their offerings were found symmetrically arranged at the foot of the pyramid’s outer wall, in ditches dug into the lava stone (tepetate), dated 150-200. The position of the bodies, joined as if bound together, is evidence that they were sacrificial victims (Moctezuma, INAH, 1990). Ninety-three burials have been unearthed to date, and all exhibit similar characteristics. The seventy-two men were dressed in military attire, sitting upright, facing outward, from the outside wall of the structure with their arms behind their backs and crossed at their wrists, suggesting that they were bound at the time of death. Their position and symmetrical placement might appear to protect the state (Spence and Pereira 2007). At the center of the pyramid were high-status individuals who, unlike the warriors, had not lived in the city long before their deaths. The victims inside were probably selected from their home regions to attest to the Tetihuacán influence and its powerful ideology. Studies of other remains within the complex indicate that the individuals were both male and female, aged 16 to 45 years old. Some may have held high rank, evidenced by skull deformations, and several individuals had mutilated teeth incrusted with greenstone and turquoise. This observation is consistent with the hypothesis that the Feathered Serpent Pyramid’s sacrifices were made to mark the inauguration of a Teotihuacán ruler, reaffirming both ideological power and military capacity to protect it (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan, 2007). It also underscored the military’s vital role in the early stages of state development.

During the late Xolalpan period (450-550), civil unrest culminated in repeated insurrections and the city’s collapse, leaving fewer than 20,000 inhabitants at the end of the period. At that time, Teotihuacán’s religious and residential precincts were burned, for the evidence of destruction is compelling; the city never recovered. Buildings along the “Avenue of the Dead” were sacked in a violence that extended to most structures and residences of the elite. Religious images were removed or defaced; however, minor damage was reported in working districts. So, what triggered the city’s demise? Consecutive droughts that led to famine could have precipitated incursions by groups, thereby intensifying internal unrest (V.C. Smith, 2020). Archaeological evidence indicates an increase in the proportion of juvenile skeletons exhibiting signs of malnutrition in the sixth century. The hypothesis of recurrent famines is among the more plausible explanations for Teotihuacán’s decline, exacerbated by extended drought. Archaeologist Moctezuma notes that farming was a crucial factor in the city’s economy, so control of water became increasingly significant in both political and economic terms. War, too, was a driving factor in state policies and should not be discounted. As in other societies of the time, military castes expanded to such an extent that they influenced policy and played a significant role in social and political interactions, provoking deep resentment among locals and vassals alike. (1990:88). By the mid-Metepec period (650-750), the population had plummeted to 5,000 or fewer inhabitants. In the final period, ongoing civil unrest and destruction caused Teotihuacán’s collapse; it was never rebuilt.

We know that the city’s four districts adhered to the traditional belief of a four-quadrant spiritual universe. However, as archaeologist Evans emphasizes, the north-south straight avenue “of the dead,” with a slight decline towards the south, was divided by the east-west San Juan River on the north side of the Citadel. The Pyramid of the Moon stands at the north end of the avenue facing south. The city’s master plan defined the avenue’s length and width, which was designed to address both practical and mythological purposes of space and time. So, what was its real purpose in the master plan? As in other ancient cultures, the Moon was associated with the powers of water, rain, and reproduction, that is, life, not death. The Pyramid of the Moon plaza opens onto the avenue, where each northern side features two to three tiers whose stone-built pyramidal residences walls lined the avenue on both sides. A design whose purpose was to channel the powerful tropical downpours of the June to September rainy season into the avenue, which then became a canal (Hobbs, 2024; Evans, 2006). Waters collected in the vast Pyramid of the Moon Plaza then flowed south on the “Avenue of Life,” now assumed to be its real name. The design of the Pyramid of the Sun likewise features a vast plaza, intended among other things to collect and direct water toward the avenue. The planned dual water-collection system efficiently directed large volumes of runoff along the avenue, increasing flow toward the south. Those waters then reached the perpendicular San Juan River, which cuts across the avenue north of the Citadel, where the waters joined the Huixulco and San Lorenzo Rivers and dispersed into crop lands with rites glorifying the Great Goddess. The fast-running waters of the rainy season once more renewed life, underscoring the significance of the Avenue of Life and the Moon’s powers, alongside those of the Sun, rulers of all life forms.

Georges Fery is the author of “Palenque’s Red Queen.”

References :

Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, 1990 – Teotihuacán the City of Gods
Berrin and E. Pasztory, 1993 – Teotihuacán, Art of the City of the Gods
Christian Duverger, 2007 – El Primer Mestizaje
Huntington Hobbs IV, 2024 – The Rise and Collapse of Teotihuacan
Karl E. Meyer, 1958 – Teotihuacán
Octavio Paz, 1990 – Teotihuacán, Splendor of 30 Centuries
Linda Manzanilla, 2019 – La Vida Cotidiana en Teotihuacán
López Austin, 2016 – La Cosmovisión de la Tradición Mesoamericana
Tatiana Valdez Bubnova, 2019 – Los Oferentes de Teopancazco
Barba, A. Otiz, A. Pecci, 2019 – Las Innovaciones de Teopancazco

Photo credits:
Ph.1 – Pyramid of the Sun – @MariordoRoberto cc by-sa.4.0
Ph.2 – Pyramid of the Moon – @georgefery.com
Ph.3 – Atetelco Residence – @georgefery.com
Ph.4 – Zacahuala Mural – @georgefery.com
Ph.5 – The Tlalocan – @georgefery.com
Ph.6 – Feathered Serpent Pyramid – @DiegoDelso-cc.by-sa3.0
Ph.7 – Moon Plaza and Avenue – @georgefery.com
Ph.8 – The Avenue of Life – @S. Huntington Hobbs IV